By Sanford F. Schram
By way of focusing squarely at the cultural dimensions of social welfare coverage, Sanford Schram brilliantly illuminates contemporary turns in coverage and politics. Nor does he moderate the cloth for the symbolic. relatively he exhibits the shut connections among the cultural and fabric features of coverage. so much welcome of all, Schram's paintings is imbued with a unprecedented empathetic main issue for the folk who're either the beneficiaries and sufferers of social welfare. --Frances Fox Piven, Graduate middle of the town college of latest York
''If you will have a flesh-and-blood tale of the genuine agendas that lie in the back of policy-making within the age of tricky love, After Welfare is the easiest booklet at the subject. Schram's incisive reveal makes for wonderful universal sense.'' --Andrew Ross, big apple collage
''This engagingly written e-book lays naked the ''dirty little secrets'' of a brand new order of social coverage, one who shorelines up inequality through tapping into cultural reserves of race and gender prejudice whereas publicly providing a impartial face. Its energy derives from Schram's eloquence, his sharp wit, and his expertise for persuading the reader to scrutinize social coverage during the lens of social theory.'' --Lisa Disch, college of Minnesota
''Sanford Schram's After Welfare is an exemplary mix of political idea, cultural critique, utilized coverage research and astute and accomplished mapping of the modern politics of welfare. it's going to interact a large readership in either academia and the coverage community.'' --Michael J. Shapiro, collage of Hawai'i
Do modern welfare rules mirror the realities of the economic system and the desires of these wanting public guidance, or are they according to outmoded and idealized notions of labor and family members lifestyles? Are we're relocating from a ''war on poverty'' to a ''war opposed to the poor?'' during this critique of yankee social welfare coverage, Sanford F. Schram explores the cultural anxieties over the putatively deteriorating ''American paintings ethic,'' and the category, race, sexual and gender biases on the root of present coverage and debates.
Schram is going past studying the present situation to provide a revolutionary substitute he calls ''radical incrementalism,'' wherein activists may recreate a social defense web adapted to the categorical existence situations of these in want. His provocative ideas comprise a chain of courses geared toward transcending the existing pernicious contrast among ''social insurance'' and ''public assistance'' to be able to larger deal with the wishes of unmarried moms with kids. Such courses may perhaps comprise ''divorce insurance'' or maybe a few type of ''pregnancy insurance'' for ladies with out technique of fiscal help. by way of pushing for such courses, Schram argues, activists can make nice strides in the direction of attaining social justice, even in brand new reactionary weather.
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Additional resources for After Welfare: The Culture of Postindustrial Social Policy
24 But even when so defined, “personal responsibility” is simply a “cultural placeholder” that the culture can fill as it deems appropriate. In a culture that valorizes individual choice, personal responsibility inevitably becomes incapable of accounting for the fact that culture, social relations, and institutional practices favor some people over others—that is, that some people are deemed more responsible and self-sufficient than others. The willful ignorance of welfare reform is becoming more visible over time.
Until the second half of the twentieth century this self-sufficient person was rarely a woman, as it was near impossible for a woman to be credible in the role of a self-sufficient self. Where the Welfare Queen Resides | 31 For Friedrich Nietzsche, the problem was not the exclusive male focus of liberal contractual discourse. Instead, Nietzsche saw the personally responsible individual in the liberal contractual order as a paradox. Such an individual was not a “promising animal” as much as a promising animal of a particular predictive sort: To breed an animal with the right to make promises—is not this the paradoxical task that nature has set itself in the case of man?
64 Yet the welfare reform politics of recent years has solidified the reality that not only do political rights still offer only limited protection from economic adversity, but economic performance is an assumed critical feature for establishing political rights. In the new contractual order welfare recipients get to be full citizens only if they demonstrate that they meet the implied threshold requirements. First they must work, which will prove they are personally responsible; only then can they get the benefits they need from the state.