Download Against Prediction: Profiling, Policing, and Punishing in an by Bernard E. Harcourt PDF

By Bernard E. Harcourt

From regimen safeguard exams at airports to using danger overview in sentencing, actuarial equipment are getting used greater than ever to figure out whom police officers objective and punish. And apart from racial profiling on our highways and streets, most folks desire those tools simply because they suspect they’re a less expensive strategy to struggle crime.In opposed to Prediction, Bernard E. Harcourt demanding situations this transforming into reliance on actuarial tools. those prediction instruments, he demonstrates, could actually elevate the final quantity of crime in society, reckoning on the relative responsiveness of the profiled populations to heightened protection. they might additionally irritate the problems that minorities have already got acquiring paintings, schooling, and a greater caliber of life—thus perpetuating the trend of felony habit. finally, Harcourt indicates how the perceived good fortune of actuarial tools has began to distort our very belief of simply punishment and to vague exchange visions of social order. in preference to the actuarial, he proposes in its place a flip to randomization in punishment and policing. The presumption, Harcourt concludes, could be opposed to prediction. (20060828)

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Additional resources for Against Prediction: Profiling, Policing, and Punishing in an Actuarial Age

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One cannot fix punishment in advance in a rigid or strict manner, nor legally regulate it in an inflexible manner, since the purpose of punishment is an individual one that must be achieved by means of specific policies appropriate to the circumstances, rather than by the application of a purely abstract law ignoring the varieties of cases presented,” Saleilles explained. 16 The modern break in England—a break from the Victorian penal system—can be traced to the period 1895 –1914. The earlier Victorian penal system, well in place by the 1860s, increasingly relied on the prison as the primary mode of sanctioning, but its focus on the prison was not individually tailored to the convict.

If, for instance, they offend more because they are socioeconomically more disadvantaged, then it would follow logically that they may also have less elasticity of offending to policing because they have fewer alternative job opportunities. Some drywall contractors, for instance, may only be able to pay their bills and employees by evading taxes, whether because of their socioeconomic condition or because the tax laws were not written with the economics of drywall contractors in mind. I develop this first critique of the mathematics of the actuarial with equations and graphs in chapter 4, but the intuition is simple: if the profiled group has lower elasticity of offending to policing, profiling that group will probably increase the overall amount of crime in society.

Taken to its extreme, the incapacitation argument favors full incarceration of, say, the entire male population between the ages of 16 and 24. That, of course, is absurd—or at least, should be absurd. But what it points to is that, ultimately, we must be willing to perform a cost-benefit analysis on crime. We must be willing to undertake a cost-benefit analysis to determine whether the potential reduction in crime attributable to an incapacitation effect outweighs the costs associated with the increased incarceration, including the possible ratchet effect.

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